廢除遺產稅的道德理由教育阿特拉斯大學
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廢除遺產稅的道德理由

廢除遺產稅的道德理由

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June 27, 2022

左翼「進步人士」普遍認為,不執行遺產稅將導致種族、民族和社會群體之間的收入差距擴大。稅收是一種在普通民眾中分配財富創造者已經徵稅的收入的方式,可以想像,這將使社會走向任何公平公正的社會都應該佔據的道德地位:一種在群體之間實現完全公平的社會,一種將形而上學平等主義確立為人類狀況的適當特徵的方式。

But let us start from the beginning. When one is the offspring of a deceased wealth creator who is being taxed on her inheritance, exactly what is she being taxed on? Let us call this person Catherine. Catherine’s father, Mario, migrated from Poland to the United States in 1946 and started a small business in construction without government help. He started out as a construction laborer, saved his money and, after fifteen back-breaking, torturous years, began a roofing company based on a loan acquired from a loan shark. On account of his broken English and lack of a formal education he was unable to acquire a loan from a reputable financial institution. In five years, Mario owned four such companies. By the time Catherine was born her father was the sole owner of a dozen roofing companies in the state of Illinois. He had also expanded his businesses to include plumbing and house painting, and even started a moving franchise. Mario was a millionaire by the time Catherine was five—allowing her American-born mother to homeschool her and her two younger brothers.

Tax Codes Reflect Moral Codes

Catherine’s father had learned how to invest his money wisely by studying the stock market, and he even become a day trader as a hobby during his retirement years after moving to California. When he died peacefully in his sleep from heart failure at the age of ninety, just two months after his wife’s death, Catherine and her brothers, now in their mid-fifties, inherited a fortune in excess of US$20M.  

When Catherine and her brothers are subjected to an astronomical inheritance tax on money that their father bequeathed to them, the state is making a presumptuous judgment against the moral judgments of Mario that his children are worthy of the full returns on his productive efforts.

Such efforts are results of values, virtues and capabilities that Mario achieved in his character. The inheritance tax, therefore, is an assault against his values, grit, perseverance, resilience, and tenacity. He was already taxed for creating jobs, wealth, and income for others through his wealth creation endeavors. The inheritance tax imposed on his children is an attempt to re-direct his choices and decisions by way of expropriating his wealth and giving it to others in a manner of which he would not have approved. Mario’s wealth was a product of his values and virtues which cannot be redistributed in reality; therefore, “legalized theft” or inheritance appropriation must be justified by appealing to some collectivist premise on the order of: it benefits the common or public good.

This widespread canard among left-progressives is promulgated without an answer to the question: who determines the public or common good for society? There is no such thing as society. The latter is merely the aggregate of several individuals. And second, what legal and moral metric is being employed to determine a conception of the good? In a free society everyone conceives of the good for him- or herself as determined by his or her values, principles, choices and sensibilities.

If in death Mario’s estate is taxed by means of government appropriation, his efforts to aid his children’s well-being have been morally compromised. He was unable to fully pass on his wealth based on his desires and moral intentions. There is no difference between that situation and denying him the freedom to finance Catherine’s education while he was still alive, or the freedom to spend his already-taxed income on any of his children in a manner he desired.

What makes the inheritance tax so egregious is not that it is a form of double taxation. The violation of the moral principle that secures Mario’s right to his income is not made worse by a double violation. The initial violation is itself improper.

It is rewarding the unearned for the productive efforts of another by violating the value endorsements of the wealth creator (Mario). In this case his children earned such endorsements simply by being values to their father, and by their right of inheritance which is derived from his right to dispose in an unencumbered manner the products of his labor.

Government Financing in a Free Society

Mario’s already-taxed wealth is further taxed in its inheritable form to finance the well-being of individuals who do not constitute a value or a good for him. One could make this case for income tax in general. Such a case can and ought to be made, only it is outside the scope of this article. The notable egregious nature of the inheritance tax lies in the fact that its beneficiaries are penalized under the dubious pretext that they did not earn the income they are inheriting and that, therefore, any abstract member of a society is as equally entitled to a portion of the created wealth of the wealth creator whose freedom to apportion, allocate and dispose of his wealth is compromised via an appropriative government whose judgments about what constitutes the good supersedes that of the wealth creator.

The rights of the non-productive, the social ballasts, and the non-valued take precedence over Mario’s moral conscience, whose sovereign right to his property is violated via a usurpative act on the part of the state.

The inheritance tax is, as we can see, a nefarious violation of the right to one’s conscience and the logical corollaries that stem from it: freedom of judgment to make decisions, choices and actions in one’s name; and, further, freedom to use one’s property acquired through one’s own efforts in any manner so long as it does not violate the rights of others.  

The moral message issued by the enforcers of the inheritance tax is that income inequality is intrinsically bad; that it is made worse by failure to inflict a social penalty in the form of a tax on the beneficiaries of inherited wealth.

Income inequality stems from the ineradicable fact that we are not all equal. Some people are more intelligent than others, more athletically skilled than others, more beautiful, more frugal, more moral, and just more talented than others. These disparities in capabilities, whether the result of natural causes or human choices and initiatives, along with competition among human beings, all lead to unequal outcomes.

The inheritance tax sends a message predicated on a theme of entitlement. That theme states that because one is regarded as a collective part of an amorphous whole that gets constituted as an indiscriminate “social good” to everyone but no one in particular, that one’s mere existence constitutes a mortgage on the bequeathed savings of another.

The other moral malfeasance of the inheritance tax is that it sanctions the principle that upholds equal rights from unequal causes, and equal rewards for unequal performance. The inheritance tax, therefore, legitimizes the principle not of political egalitarianism or equality before the law, which is an inalienable right. It promotes the idea of metaphysical egalitarianism that overlooks the impossibility of redistributing individually curated capabilities. It sanctions the dictum: he who does not make and own the pie, nevertheless has equal shares to all its slices.

Two Proposals to Stop the Government Looting

To indiscriminately believe that one has the right to inherit another’s wealth through redistribution by the state is to believe that the responsibility for one’s life and fate are not one’s own but that of others. It is another method in which the state engages in social eugenics by engendering infantilism among citizens by sending the categorical message that the default duty of preserving one’s life lies with those who are financially better off than oneself.

Such a belief and the principle that secures it are not promoters of the right to life, liberty, self-preservation and flourishing. They are, instead, the divine right to stagnation, arrested development and cognitive ossification.

Jason Hill Ph.D.
About the author:
Jason Hill Ph.D.

傑森·希爾(Jason D. Hill)是德保羅大學(DePaul University)的哲學教授,並獲得了傑出教師的榮譽,並撰寫了五本書:美國白人欠黑人什麼:後壓迫時代的種族正義我們克服了:移民給美國人民的信,成為世界主義者:在新千年中成為人類意味著什麼 公民不服從和身份政治:當我們不應該相處時超越血統身份:二十一世紀的后人類。希爾教授擁有哲學博士學位,三十多年來一直是專業作家和書籍作者。他是倫理學、道德心理學、政治理論和美國政治方面的專家,還擁有英國文學和英國詩歌學位。

他曾在美國、歐洲和亞洲就這一主題進行廣泛的演講和教學。從2010年到2012年,一個由英格蘭四所大學組成的聯盟舉行了一系列會議,專門討論希爾博士的後人類世界主義,並將其中包含的道德願景作為其使命宣言的一部分。他的學術文章發表在德國、捷克共和國和荷蘭的選集和期刊上。此外,他還為各種雜誌和報紙撰稿,將世界主義的信條帶給廣大讀者。他也是一位備受尊敬的全國性演說家。他定期接受各種媒體的採訪,包括NBC的 今日 節目, 每日來電秀,福克斯新聞,福克斯和朋友, Spiked雜誌,福克斯商業,比利奧萊利的“NO Spin News”,NPR,NRATV,數十個播客和其他幾個主流/聯合媒體。他是自由中心的希爾曼新聞研究員,在那裡他為 頭版雜誌撰寫雙月專欄。希爾教授還經常為 THE HILL,The FederalistCommentMagazineThe American MindAmerican GreatnessQuillette雜誌撰稿。他正在寫兩本新書:《牙買加男孩尋找安·蘭德》(Jamaica Boy)《在混亂中領導:創造美國的新昭昭命運》(Leading in the Disorder: Creating America's New Manifest Destiny)。

他堅定地致力於道德基礎主義、道德普遍主義、理性的絕對主義、頑固的個人主義和不受約束的資本主義。

希爾教授二十歲時從牙買加來到美國,他的成長超出了他最瘋狂的夢想。他仍然非常感謝這個國家的豐富機會。

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